THE NAPOLEONIC REVOLUTION

• 1. those items he wanted to bequeath to posterity;
• 2. the unforeseen outgrowths of his policies; and,
• 3. the changed conditions brought into being as a reaction against his regime.

I. The Task of Consolidation

A key to his entire policy is contained in the proclamation of the three consuls on December 15, 1799, slightly more than a month after they had taken office: "Citizens, the Revolution is stabilized on the principles which began it." With the exception of fathering the Civil Code, Napoleon perhaps gloried more in his reputation as consolidator of the Revolution than in any other one title. Undoubtedly he realized his debt to the Revolution. As one historian has said, the Consulate and Empire accepted without benefit of inventory the main results of the Revolution, and in this spirit established the foundations of a new order. Even while Napoleon reconciled the ideas of the Revolution with some from the Bourbon monarchy, he consolidated the work of the Revolution in putting an end to the complex of institutions which constituted the ancien regime.

This task of consolidation made Napoleon a conservative in France, desirous of keeping the gains of the Revolution, but a revolutionary in ancien-regime areas abroad. In France it meant that he retained the semblance of universal suffrage and of a constitution. Although he had an enlightened despot's mentality with respect to economic activities, he maintained a facade of economic liberalism: keeping the Le Chapelier law in force, he did not permit the formation of associations, and he did not permit the re-establishment of internal customs. The educational system he established fulfilled the idea of the Revolutionaries for a national system-while also serving Napoleon's purpose of indoctrination. He consolidated the gains of the Revolution in equality (at least initially), in legal and administrative unity, and in having careers open to talent.

Napoleon's revolution had several phases. Napoleon carried on these differing aspects in varying degrees. But in one respect in which they were consistent, he strayed from the norm: The Revolutionaries of every phase from National Assembly to Directory believed in and advocated representative institutions; although Napoleon retained such organs of government, he never allowed them much latitude, and from time to time he restricted their role. He could not reconcile Revolutionary thought with the re-establishment of an autocracy.

II. A ''Soldier of the Revolution''

In his triumphant march across Europe, Napoleon called himself a ''soldier of the Revolution.'' The reforms which had been instituted in France he carried in his knapsack for every place where he obtained control. This policy is demonstrated in his letter to Louis, his brother, instructing him to put the Napoleonic Code into effect in Holland-and without any changes. Extending the reforms meant that serfdom disappeared from many parts of Europe which had not seen fit to abolish it at the time of the French Revolution. For example, western and southern Germany were henceforth free of that blight, as was Italy. The Napoleonic Code also made its way into the Duchy of Warsaw, where it was popular enough for Alexander I of Russia to permit its basic features, such as equality before the law, to continue even after Napoleon's downfall.

In Spain, the French hold was never strong enough to implant French customs firmly, and the reforms of Napoleon did not last beyond the time of Joseph. But the ideals did not die out. Some bourgeois Spanish liberals incorporated them in the constitution in 1812. They made their mark again in the revolutionary movement of 1820-23, when the Spanish constitution of 1812 became the watchword of the revolutionaries everywhere.

The lasting quality of Napoleon's reforms outside France was in direct ratio to the length of time French control had in effect and to the weakness of the local governments. In the areas annexed before 1804, the Revolutionary changes were put into effect as a whole. Italy was more profoundly transformed than any other part of Europe. The stronger the local governments were, the more able they were to overthrow Napoleonic institutions after this military defeat. But only rarely did the reaction upset the civil principles which to Napoleon were so important. Even in Naples King Ferdinand did not abolish the Civil Code or re-establish feudal rights when he returned. All the reactionary forces of Europe combined were not strong enough to restore things as they had been before the outbreak of the French Revolution. They could not, in particular, undo the many-faceted social change that had been set in motion.

III. Social Changes in France

A. different type of nobility

One aspect of this change in France was the Legion of Honor, created in 1802, but given a complete organization only in 1804. Bonaparte cynically remarked, ''It is by baubles that men are led.'' He realized that the people were avid for decorations; not one of the cahiers of 1789 had demanded the abolition of honorific distinctions. With the Legion of Honor he created a different type of nobility, a nobility based on ability, open to any body who had, in the view of the government, made a sufficient contribution to society. Depending on their rank, members received annual stipends ranging from 250 to 5,000 francs.

The Legion of Honor was not very popular at the time of its institution. It received a favorable vote of only 14-10 in the Council of State, 50-38 in the Tribunate and 166-110 in the Legislative Body. lt was thought to be a reactionary step, and indeed it did look back to the ancien regime. Though it was Bonaparte's first step toward a hierarchical organization of society, it could also be argued that the Legion did not violate the principle of equality, since anybody might be appointed a member. Despite its initial unpopularity, its insignia soon became all the rage, and by the time of Napoleon's downfall the Legion had become so popular that even the republicans were clamoring to be named to it.

B. privileged class

Other measures foreshadowed the return of a privileged class. These included the creation of senatorships, re-establishment of princely titles for members of the imperial family, and granting of such titles as Monseigneur and Most Serene Highness. Finally came creation of a new hereditary nobility with sufficient wealth to maintain itself. Rank was initially based on the holder's civil or military functions. This social change definitely violated the principle of equality; after having undermined the liberty of the Revolution on the grounds that the French desired equality more, Napoleon had proceeded to undermine equality. Creation of the new nobility indirectly favored later democracy, for the struggle between the old and the new aristocracies permitted democracy to profit from their differences.

C. the bourgeoisie

Since the most capable class of society was the bourgeoisie, it is not surprising that Napoleon aimed most of his program at improving its lot. He contributed greatly toward its continued rise. Both legal and economic measures-for example, the legal codes and the stimulation of industry-tended toward this result. But the stronger the bourgeoisie became in France the more it turned away from the regime. Although politically the bourgeoisie in France was temporarily eclipsed by the aristocracy after 1814, it came into its own with the revolution of 1830. The succeeding regime is frequently known as the ''bourgeois monarchy;'' the social basis on which it was built was laid during the Napoleonic period.

Napoleon also aided the rise of the middle classes outside France. It is no accident that the bourgeoisie was most attached, and the nobility most hostile, to his regime. Introduction of the Civil Code, with its equal treatment of all individuals, and centralization of government with its implied elimination of feudal rights, contributed to this development. Even in so backward an area as Calabria, in southernmost Italy, the Napoleonic period effected a temporary displacement of the aristocracy by the bourgeoisie.

D. status of the peasants

A fourth aspect of the social revolution was the improvement in the legal status of the peasants, a natural corollary of the breakdown of feudal privileges. In some localities, however, the nobility retained most of its rights, and the social reform remained incomplete. In France the Revolutionaries rather than Napoleon must receive the credit for improving the lot of peasants, though Napoleon maintained their work. Outside France the farmer was not better off economically, but the new legal status was a prerequisite to later economic developments, which gave a wider choice of activity to families in the low economic brackets.

E. treatment of Jews

Finally, in the social sphere, the Napoleonic influence accounted for the improved status and better treatment of Jews. Although they were not treated the same everywhere, they had the right of worship (at least in private) and in some cases became full-fledged citizens. In some regions they preferred not to be assimilated, and to pay tribute rather than serve in the army.

IV. Other Aspects of His Legacy

A. public works

Like most dictators, Napoleon frequently relied on public works to distract the people from politics and to leave lasting monuments to his regime. He constructed public works as far away as Illyria, and conceived numerous ones for Rome, which he called his "second capital." But it was his first capital, Paris, on which he concentrated.

Napoleon thought of Paris as the cultural center of at least Europe, and perhaps the world, just as it was the political center of the French Empire. He therefore looted all possible areas to make the Louvre a world art center. Among the arts, Napoleon was especially interested in architecture. Buildings he commissioned had a Classical inspiration, and his principle seemed to be that "what is large is beautiful." In addition to the complete transformation of the earlier parish church of the Madeleine, which could now be mistaken for a Greek temple, and the Roman-style Arc de Triomphe de l'Etaile, Napoleon was responsible for the Bourse, the Arc de Triomphe du Carrousel, the facade of the Chamber of Deputies, numerous fountains, four bridges, the Vendome Column, and the courtyard and the Rivoli wing of the Louvre. The rue de Rivoli, the rue de la Paix, and the rue de Castigli all date from the imperial epoch. So do the squares of the Bastille and Saint-Sulpice. In addition, Napoleon acquired the terrain which made possible the later Trocadere.

Alongside his aesthetic works Napoleon instituted certain features necessary for the modernization of Paris: sidewalks, house numbers, two miles of new quais, a water supply, sewers, a fire department, new markets and slaughter houses. Napoleon also replaced the eccentric street names of the Revolution. In 1811 he wrote his Minister of the Interior, Montalivet, that the four most important contributions he bad made to Paris were to bring it water by building a canal from the Ourcq River, the new markets at Les Halles, the wine market, and the slaughter houses.

Even while on campaign in Russia, Napoleon issued theater regulations which basically remained in effect a century after his downfall. The decree drawn up in Moscow laid down the organization of the Theatre-Francaise and stipulated that the superintendent of Spectacles should appoint the committee which would decide whether the Theatre would perform a particular play.

B. public welfare

The Convention had earlier organized public welfare so as to eliminate poverty, vagabondage, and begging. Under Napoleon there was greater centralization of activity. Each arrondissement had a ''central committee of charity" presided over by the prefect or subprefect. Public soup kitchens were organized to help the needy, but in general the regime favored private rather than public charity, by charitable societies like those of the ancien regime. In 1808 begging was forbidden, and the penal code of 1810 organized its judicial repression. Foundlings and orphans were assisted by legislation in 1811.

Napoleon also paid some slight attention to public health. He laid down the requirements for a person to be a pharmacist or a physician. The government favored vaccination against smallpox, and it made a feeble attempt to increase the number of midwives so as to raise the percentage of live births. Chaptal, as Minster of the Interior, started on a system of hospitals, each of which was to have schools for nurses, midwives, and obstetricians. It was the first organized public enterprise of its kind in the world.

C. government and administration

It would be very difficult to say in which area Napoleon's impact was the greatest. But on any list of the fields which he consciously sought to change, government and administration would rank high. Even the rulers who opposed him accepted, in lesser or greater degree, his concept of a modern state-centralized, acting directly on individuals without intermediaries, and treating these individuals as citizens rather than as subjects. Napoleon in his centralization and in his police force introduced the military system into government.

His Council of State, composed as it was of experts, might be considered the forerunner of today's legislative reference agencies which draft bills. lt was appointed by and responsible to the chief executive. Although several of his administrative institutions caused murmuring when he established them, almost all survived him; moreover, they have served as props for the government of France in times of instability. The changes of Cabinet in the Third and Fourth Republics, averaging approximately one every six months from 1870 to 1958, were serious; but they were less devastating than all similar number of changes would have been in England, for example, because of the stable bureaucracy which Napoleon provided for France.

Napoleon had maintained at least the fiction of a constitutional form of government; Louis XVIII realized that he also had to grant a constitution if he was to have any popular support. His Constitutional Charter of 1814, whose preamble stated that it was Louis' gift to France, was drawn up by former functionaries of Napoleon. It retained the land settlement of the Revolution, equality before the law, equality of taxation, personal liberty, freedom of the press and of religion, the Legion of Honor, the court system, and the Napoleonic nobility.

The Additional Act granted by Napoleon in 1815 closely resembled Louis XVIII's Constitutional Charter, and both made outstanding concessions to the bourgeoisie. Both, for example, retained the system of electoral colleges. Men could be members of these colleges only if they paid a large sum in direct taxes; and to be eligible for the elective house of the legislature, individuals had to pay an amount imposed on only a few wealthy individuals. The inviolability of property was a great boon to the bourgeoisie and a source of reassurance to those who had profited from the Revolution, particularly in the buying of land.

Many of Napoleon's other institutions were retained. The University of France continued to supervise the educating of the nation's youth. The Concordat ruled relations between the French government and the Papacy for ninety years after Napoleon's disappearance from power. The Bank of France continued both as servant and master of the state. The various Napoleonic legal codes remained in effect. The police remained as it had been under Napoleon-and for all time the same man even served as Minister of Police under Louis XVIII. Prefects continued to be appointed by the executive arm of the national government.

D. methods of warfare

In another momentous bequest to the 19th century, and even to the 20th, Napoleon revolutionized the methods of warfare. Because his operations were bigger and more extensive than earlier ones, logistics became a more important team-mate of strategy. Putting into effect as an art the principles of warfare advocated by preceding military thinkers and field commanders, he forced other countries to be imitative as the only hope of success. One of history's minor ironies is that France abandoned conscription under the Bourbon restoration, at a time when other countries were adopting it so as to compete with the France of Napoleon.

No figure in history is more sharply defined than that of Napoleon I. But even in his case, man, career, and legend refuse to coincide. One historian has said that "history can reach no unchallengeable conclusions on so many-sided a character.'' Yet on one thing historians agree: the Napoleonic hallmark was enduringly stamped on France, on Europe; and beyond. Those who would have turned their faces to the past were forced, irresistibly, into a new era.

Source: Robert B. Holtman, The Napoleonic Revolution (Lippincott, 1967)

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